Croatia -
Conditional Membership of the Council of Europe

By the conditional acceptance in the Council of Europe, Croatia did not enter through the door, but through the chimney. Applied on it was the membership in chapters, something never done before - now the membership, with the issuing of the membership card ensuing in September (after the Bosnian elections).
In almost four years of waiting to enter CE, it is obvious that the only political groups, that gained power in Croatia are those, gathered around the regime top of the regime, that attempted to prevent this. The proponents of entrance into this, not particularly influential, but unavoidable integration, have descended into the catacombs, or have, to stay afloat, taken over the glossary of their opponents about the unjust Europe, which is bearing, for some reason, a grudge against innocent Croatia.

In the Croatian Parliament and ministry of Foreign Affairs there was actually too much fear of their Europrimitives, who had unbearable disgust of this entrance into Europe on the knees, but also attempted to effectively prevent this. This was confirmed by the all around protector of the Croatian Hague passengers, Zvonimir Hodak, who congratulated the Ministry of Defense of Gojko Susan, saying that it is the one really helping the Croats accused in the Hague, attacking the Ministry of Foreign affairs, which would arrest all Croats in Croatia and send them to the Hague, only so that Croatia would be accepted in the Council of Europe.

A similar situation exists with the application of the Dayton agreements, so it is said that Croatia is among the most active and constructive factors in establishment, securing and strengthening of the BiH Federation There is not a trace of at least a minimal sign that there is something wrong with the Croat politics in Bosnia, meaning that neither in the Government or the Foreign Ministry do they have anything against the division of Bosnia, but that they only favor that it be done in a humane manner. They also have nothing against the usurpation of the electoral results in Zagreb, but suggest that this be solved through an agreement with the opposition, and f it is not possible, new elections. In the same manner, there is no bringing into question the current stance towards the return of the Serbs, but there is only a suggestion of an agreement with Belgrade on reciprocity, even though undertaken international obligations do not recognize any form of reciprocity.

It seems that after recent experiences with Russia and Albania, in Strazbourg they want to keep Croatia close to them, rather than let it enter uncontrolled self - destruction.

Source: Split weekly Feral Tribune, July 1, 1996

War Crimes

The formation of the Hague Tribunal was not seriously taken by Belgrade at first, nor the regime in Pale. Afterwards, both branded it as biast and not authorized. Now both are afraid of it as if it was live fire.

It turned out that there is no joking with the Tribunal. An inditement against a former chief of state - even though unrecognized one - and the threat that the same fate could come to an actual president of a recognized state are undoubtful proof of that.

The Hague Tribunal is seen by many here as well as in the world as an instrument of politics and not justice. Particularly American politics. Or more precisely - as one of the preelection trump cards of president Clinton. Supposedly, he needs, at the height of the campaign, to take in front of the court bad boys like Karadzic and Mladic and in that manner show the voters that he is the champion of peace and justice in the world.

When Milosevic is in question, according to the same theory, Clinton holds him on a leash with the threat of the Hague court, and is forcing him to respect the agreement he signed in Dayton.Like a sword over his head, the possibility of joining his protegees from Pale in the Hague, haunts Milosevic. Besides that, he is always reminded that refusal of cooperation with the Hague tribunal could cost him renewed introduction of international sanctions against FR Yugoslavia.

If he succumbs to the mighty of this world, Milosevic will be proclaimed a traitor by many on both sides of the Drina river. If he doesn't here we get the sanctions again, and he the worry how to survive them.Since, if the poverty and hunger return here, ensuing in a mess, he will even be the one to plead with Holbrooke to secure him food and lodging in the Hague.

The precedent undertaken with the Hague Tribunal will probably make sure that potential war criminals around the world think twice before they take up the arms. The fate of the local warlords which will be made to face the justice will dispel their illusions that the crime can go unpunished. And what is more important, the trial off individuals will remove the danger of assigning collective guilt for the war and crimes to whole nations.

Source: Novi Sad weekly Nezavisni, July 19, 1996

Jovan Dulovic of the Belgrade weekly Vreme looks in the July 13, 1996 issue of the of the magazine at the first war crimes verdict in Serbia, passed in the city of Sabac.

The Sabac District Court finally ended the trial begun in 1994. The first and only Serbian accused of war crime and rape in the vicinity of Zvornik, Dusan Vuckovic (32) nicknamed Repic (Little Tail), from Umka, was sentenced to seven years in jail, while his older brother Vojin (33), leader of the para-military gang Zuta Osa (``Yellow Wasp'') was sentenced to a suspended sentence of one year in jail for carrying weapons without a license and for carrying false documents.

During the investigation, Dusan Vuckovic admitted he had in 1992 emptied 30 bullets from an automatic rifle into the Divic Moslem villagers, who had been kidnapped and shut up in the Celopek Culture Club, that he had killed seven people and cut off a Moslem's ear with his knife. The indictment had charged him with murdering 16 and wounding 20 helpless Moslems. In court, he denied everything he had admitted during investigation. One of the guards in front of the Celopek Culture Center, Aco Bajic from Trsic (Bosnia) described in detail during investigation how inebriated Dusan Vuckovic had come and killed the imprisoned Moslems. He also said this was not the only incident and that many para-militaries came and killed Moslems ``to feel better.'' Bajic, however, never took the witness stand because he simply did not want to (or dare to) come to Sabac and testify.

The court was unable to issue an order for him to appear or face arrest because he is a citizen of another state. Bajic's statement during investigation, however, was brought into question, because he had failed to sign every piece of paper of his testimony as the Criminal Code envisages; also the graphological analysis of his signature did not confirm he was the actual signatory. The Security Institute, where the analysis was conducted, has Aco Bajic's signature in the Latin alphabet, but not in the Cyrilic script. A theoretical analysis of how many people crowded together can be killed by 30 bullets fired from a machine-gun showed that the death toll could exceed 16.

The court decided against the criminal act of robbery, described in the indictment, but charged Vuckovic for the rape of a Moslem woman, from whom, as the Public Prosecutor claims, Vuckovic extorted 1,000 Deutsche Marks after threatening her with a knife.

In his explanation of the verdict, justice Vladimir Bajic explained that the sentence was determined in view of Vuckovic's reduced accountability, as well as the fact that he had earlier been tortured a whole night in a Moslem jail. There is absolutely no evidence to corroborate this allegation by Vuckovic.

The verdict reached in Sabac causes suspicion, to say the least. Dusan Vuckovic's attorneys say there is not even a theoretical chance that the verdict will remain as is, because Vuckovic cannot be a little or a lot guilty. He is either guilty or innocent

The seven-year sentence is incomprehensible, as the court has already determined that Vuckovic has committed war crimes---killed sixteen people, cut off live people's ears, raped. As if the sole intention was to end the trial. The Serbian Supreme Court is next, if the Prosecutor or the defense decide to appeal.

It is not difficult to imagine how the Hague Tribunal, which is very interested in Dusan Vuckovic, will react to the verdict. Hague Tribunal investigators have testimonies of the Moslems who had survived the Celopek Culture Center. This is why one should soon expect it to request the extradition of Vuckovic and possibly his brother Vojin, who did not prevent the Yellow Wasp para militaries' crimes, about which many Moslems testified. Not in Sabac, of course, but in the Western European countries they sought refuge in.

The impression one gains is that the verdict was reached to prove that Serbia, too, convicts Serbians who had committed crimes in Bosnia. There was no-one in the courtroom when it was read out, except the court council, the Vuckovic brothers and the attorneys.

Source: Belgrade weekly Vreme , July 13, 1996

Zoran Daskalovic of the Split weekly Feral Tribune writes in the magazine's issue of July 15, 1996, on the falsified report of the Croatian Ministry of Foreign Affairs to the UN on the punishment of the war crimes perpetrators of its last year's offensive on Krajina.

The superficial reading of the report sent by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs imposes a question- what does that Ghali want and what does Croatia have to do to satisfy the UN Secretary General and the Security Council ? This is already suggested by the numbers on criminal proceedings against the perpetrators of criminal acts during the Storm offensive, since they says that the Croatian judicial institutions are prosecuting 2849 persons. At that, 621 are being investigated, against 1997 a criminal proceeding was initiated, which is concluded for 231 persons. According to this, it comes out that the judicial institutions have on the average in the last ten months dealt with dozen perpetrators of criminal acts and that at least one of them was taken in front of the judge and convicted. And all this for the activity in the area on which the Croatian army took action.

But it is obvious that those employed in the UN Administration, have for a long time stopped to superficially read and follow the events in Croatia and in this region in general.Having in mind the fact that on numerous occasions in the last years dust was thrown in their eyes, it is not hard to conclude that for this kind of diplomacy and cooperation they developed a defensive mechanism. That is why the ensuing report of Ghali did not fully take into consideration what was served to him from the Croatian MOO.

The first analysis of the presented data already mentioned suggests that behind the bare data itself lies the attempt to re - design the level and type of the committed crimes.Of the 2849 persons against whom the proceedings are instigated, more than two thirds are prosecuted of theft or grand theft. Only ten of them are suspected, and two convicted for threatening the life of other persons, while 53 persons are suspected or indited and one convicted of murder. Compared to the data presented in the report of Elizabeth Rehn at the beginning of this year, these numbers seem cynical, even if others are added to the already mentioned selected list.

It seems that it was two hundred times easier to the security services to discover thieves and burglars, than those that have burned and destroyed houses, leaving elephant tracks behind them. It is not hard to conclude that perpetrators of these acts are protected and privileged, and if they are protected and not prosecuted, it is indirectly said that they only acted based on what was told them to do.

Further on, according to this report, around 340 persons (12 percent) was suspected, prosecuted and indited for espionage, armed rebellion, terrorism, forceful attack on the Croatian constitutional order, and war crimes and genocide. Most of this data, although no details are given, concerns Croatian citizens of Serb nationality. Including the data on these criminal acts, hardly has any other goal than to raise the number of cases to be reported.

It seems that from the East River they have convinced minister Granic that rough facade work cannot be sold anymore as refined cosmetics, and particularly not as the truth and plain facts. It is doubtful though whether Granic and his Ministry will be able to persuade, even if they wished to, all other segments of the regime, particularly president Tudjman, that stuffed reports cannot beautify anymore the image of themselves, and even more so, that the pillaging, burnings, destruction and murders after the Storm are instigated and perpetrated under their auspices.

Source: Split weekly Feral Tribune, July 15, 1996

International Court of Justice -
The Genocide case

The conclusion of the 15-member Court that it has the jurisdiction in the case in which Bosnia and Herzegovina accuses FR Yugoslavia that it committed genocide during the war in Bosnia is a great stimulus to Sarajevo authorities in its attempts to make a connection between FRY and the conflict that has left tens of thousands of dead and missing, and over two million of displaced persons.

This concludes the three year initial phase, and both sides can now concentrate on the validity of the case. This case precedes the formation of the International Tribunal for war crimes. Judging by the course of the case the finals decision could be brought only in a few years. The Court, which has the esteem of the most respected in the world, does not, though, have the possibility of imposing its decision, and depends on good will in cooperating with its decisions.

It is estimated that the case calculates to throw more light of the FRY authorities under the leadership of the Serbian president Milosevic. The beginning of the real trial brings the risks for FRY that full proof will be brought to light about its involvement in the war of Bosnian Serbs against Sarajevo government.

An eventual judgment by the ICJ would be a heavy blow to Milosevic. not only would it undermine his current position as the chief peacemaker, but could also lead for raising an inditement against him at the Tribunal.

Source: Podgorica weekly Monitor, July 19, 1996

Internal political events

The announcement that the State Judicial Council did not name to permanent duty eight judges of the District Court in Split, which presided so far in that Court, was almost expected. But, although we got used to the fact that the decisions of the SJC are not in accordance with legal norms on nominating and electing judges, the rejection of eight Split judges has a specific dimension and importance. After the cleanup of judges which were unwanted in the Supreme Court of Croatia, High Commerce Court, including even some County courts, the SJC, has, finally reached that basic judicial level, probably most important to the citizens, since these courts preside to the largest number of criminal cases and in all civil cases. The purgatory on this level will also be very thorough. All those not to the liking of the regime will be gone, making the situation in the judiciary even worse than it already is.

This case confirms that the SJC possesses at least one criteria: it names as judges those acceptable and bowing to authority. It can be concluded that this a thoroughly thought out policy and plan that the ideas of authoritarian rule enter all pores of the society. Probably, in the newer future, our society will function very well in the light of a specific totalitarian mentality and regime.

What is worrying is the fact that the Croatian public, although dissatisfied with the situation in the judiciary, keeps quiet about this. Although this can be explained, what cannot is the fact that the Croatian Judiciary Society and the Universities of Law and their professors are also quiet. Their silence only feeds the opinion that fear and will for bare survival are dominating.

Source: Split weekly Feral Tribune, July 1, 1996

In the July 22, 1996 issue of the Split weekly Feral Tribune, Marinko Culic writes on the conclusion of the negotiations between the regime and the opposition in Croatia.

Finally, the kid's phone which held the insecure communication between the ruling HDZ and the Opposition broke up. It is still not known whether the shoestring broke up, or maybe the cable got detached from the cap borrowed from the shoe paste.

In short, two pricked up negotiators came out with following stances. The opposition considers unacceptable the HDZ draft of the agreement, since it does not recognize their coalition as the negotiating side and that it does not recognize the will of the voters in the last year's elections. In that respect, the negotiations on this proposal can be considered concluded.

It is obvious that HDZ is making serious efforts not to come up with anything, with an obvious intention to circumvent the Zagreb coalition and come up with another coalition arrangement, probably a partial one, on the state level, where the opposition is still not organized. In that manner, the problem currently burning in Zagreb, but which could crop up somewhere else tomorrow, could be taken as a whole. It is only then that the HDZ could decide to hold elections, about which it can slowly come up with a decision, since the opposition shows no wish to open a constitutional crisis.This is a consequence of the fact that it is dealing more with Tudjman and his party than with itself.

In essence, this fulfills the conditions for a long term stalemate, which is entered consciously by both sides. As much as Tudjman's party is not finding the way to normally stay in power, that much the opposition does not know who to come to power.

Source: Split weekly Feral Tribune, July 22, 1996

Jelena Lovric of the AIM news pool writes from Zagreb in the July 26, 1996 issue of the Podgorica weekly Monitor on the current relations between the Catholic church in Croatia and the ruling HDZ party.

The Church has to condemn fascism were the words of the priest Luka Markesic, supposed carrier of the list of the HSS-Croatian Peasant Party in the forthcoming elections in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Markesic had to give up, since after his candidacy, the Bishops conference of Bosnia and Herzegovina quickly came to the conclusion that priests cannot actively involve themselves in the political activity of any party. In this manner, by disabling Markesic, job is actually done for the HDZ.

Markesic later said that he will respect the the decision of the Church, but as it is wrong and unprincipled, By my conscience, I cannot accept it by my conviction and theological beliefs. The bishops acted with the speed of lightning in his case, while the participation of priests in politics so far did not bother them. So far, the Church was helping in election victories of the HDZ. The Catholic top was quite benevolent even towards the priests, who, actively engaged in politics, propagated politically and morally quite dark stances, contradictory to Scripture and Christian values. The Church hierarchy did not react even when recently when the head of Herzegovina friars held loud pre -election speeches, agitating for all in one camp, all for Croatia.

That there is deep divison in the Catholic church in Bosnia cannot be hidden anymore. It is p[particularly clear in the division between Bosnian and Herzegovinian friars. Bosnian Franciscans are of the opinion that Croats must remain and live in the state of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where they have their own political subjectivity. The Herzegovina Franciscans, or at least part of them, are propagating secession and ceding to Croatia. There is no secret that between that part of the Bosnian friars and official Zagreb there is open closeness.

Source: Podgorica weekly Monitor, July 26, 1996