THE KRAJINA SERBS -
A YEAR AFTER
Filip Svarm of the Belgrade weekly "Vreme" takes a look in
the August 3, 1996 issue of that magazine at the current fate of the
Croatian Serb refugees in Serbia.
So far 32,000 refugees from Krajina reported to the
Helsinki committee for human rights in Belgrade, claiming they
wish to return to their homes. However, most demand that certain
conditions are met before they return. Most frequent demands are for
unambiguous interpretation of the Croatian amnesty law, and legal
protection of private property. Reason for this lies in the fact
that many of those who already returned found Croatian families from Central Bosnia living in their houses and
thus had to move in with family or friends. Others, who were lucky
enough to find their homes vacant, now form the colony of returned
refugees.
It is estimated that between six and seven thousand
Krajina Serbs returned to Croatia. A substantial proportion of
those who managed to return and obtain Croatian documents,
financial situation permitting, visit their relatives and friends in Serbia.The refugees in
Serbia, are keen to find out who else had returned, what state their
house is in and if anyone moved in, the attitude of the
authorities towards the Serbs, if there are any local Croats among
the authorities and what they are like, what is the procedure for obtaining
documents and pensions etc. Most frequently, the returned refugees
complain of high living costs. They claim there is no harassment
by the officials although they fear for their safety especially in
villages, at night. They say they have no problems with Croats from
Banja Luka (``My new neighbour spent longer in the Serbian army
than myself''), though the same cannot be said about Croats from central Bosnia...
While closely following the normalization of relations
between FR Yugoslavia and Croatia, and weighing the pros and cons
of returning to their homes, refugees who are still in Serbia
receive no financial help. Once a month they receive humanitarian
aid, mostly food. Each person receives two cans of fish, two cans
of beef, a liter of cooking oil, a kilogram of sugar, a kilogram
of pasta and sometimes some chocolate mousse. Once every three
months refugees receive a parcel containing soap, toothpaste and
washing up liquid. In some places, like in Sabac, refugees are also
given nine bread tokens every month.
Some of the Krajina Serbs in exile were lucky enough to find
employment.This applies to a few judges,pharmacists and employees of
``Politika,''Red Cross and the Krajina Revenue office.However most of
them are only in temporary employment.There are also those who work
in the private sector,and their experiences vary,ranging from those
who pulled a few strings,got working permits and now own their
businesses, to those who are being exploited in the worst possible way.
Refugees have particular problems with their papers.The
refugee ID, for which they had to wait for months after entering
Serbia, is supposed to be the only necessary proof of identity.
However it is not. As a further proof of refugee status, one has to show his census card, issued
by the Serbian Commissariat for refugees rights at the recent
census which according to Bratislava Buba Morina was
``voluntary and not compulsory.'' In order to obtain
humanitarian aid, health care, register a vehicle or
anything else, refugees must show this document. Things become even more dramatic when it comes to
obtaining a passport. While women can get them without any problems
(their home town in Croatia is entered as the place of
residence) passports are inaccessible to men between 18 and 60 years
of age.
For many of these people,a tractor or a car is the most
valuable asset. However, having a car at one's disposal is not
easy. In order to register a vehicle one must first obtain a
Custom's declaration required by the legislation on passengers
and goods from former Yugoslav republics which are no longer
part of Yugoslavia. Refugees and exiles are not charged any custom
duty, accept a demurrage fee (3-5 days) for the time which the
vehicle has to spend at the border pending the declaration. The
owner of the vehicle must then go to the finance office of the local
council where he is registered and hand in his census card and a
signed statement from whoever gives him shelter stating that all
obligations towards the state had been met. Only then can the
owner register his vehicle, of course after paying relevant
taxes and registration fees.
This procedure applies only if the owner still has his
original registration document. Otherwise, the original receipt is
required as aproof of ownership. It is in the realm of science
fiction to suppose that someone fleeing Krajina would remember to
take anything of the kind.
It is easy to spot Krajina Serbs in Serbia proper. They
are mainly stooped and gloomy. They exchange mostly bad news. If
someone steps on their toes, they are the ones to apologize.
However, among them are a few former chiefs who have apartments,
houses, businesses, firms, "Rolexes'' and BMWs and who work out in
the local gyms. They are ready to kill everyone opposed to the Z-4
plan, just as a year ago they were ready to kill anyone in favour of it.
They advocate the
protection of human rights with the same eagerness with which
they once violated them. They are now prepared to do for
integration into Europe all that they were once prepared to do
for Greater Serbia. They are not politically active, except
when they occasionally offer support to the President of Serbia and his men. That is what these people are
meant to be doing, and in doing so they made quite a good living,
together with the local state Mafia.
Krajina Serbs are not the kind of people who complain or
protest. They know from experience that law, the constitution
and international conventions are applied in ways that suit the
authorities. They also know that their fate is not in their own hands.
After reporting their assets in Croatia to the Yugoslav
government, Krajina Serbs were told by Tomica Raicevic the Minister
of finances that the "data collected will constitute a permanent
document which might be used for other purposes, such as settling the account with
Croatian authorities.'' This suggests that Yugoslavia will use this
property for resolving the issue of succession with Croatia, and
then offer compensation to its rightful owners.
If they decide to stay in Yugoslavia,Krajina Serbs face
the new citizenship legislation, which requires the police to
provide an evaluation of each refugee's loyalty to the
authorities. If refused citizenship, refugees would loose both
the minimal help they receive from the state and their property in
Croatia.
These people are left with no other option but to wait for
the results of future agreements and deals, the arrival of a new
government or the return of this country to the civilized
world, under international pressure.
Until then, they can only continue to live, ashamed of
both their Serbian nationality and their Croatian homeland.
Source: Belgrade weekly "Vreme", August 3, 1996
Belgrade by-weekly "Republika" brought in its issue of
August 1-31, 1996, an article by Zarko Paunovic which examines the
political background of the situation one year after the Croatian
operations "Lightflash" and "Storm".
A year has passed since the Krajina Serbs left their homes
and became refugees. In a few months last year around 200,000 people
streamed into Serbia and Montenegro. The territorial question of
Croatia was in that manner brought to an end, and the Serbian
question in Croatia also.
Since then, except the changed ethnic picture in Croatia and
enlarged population in Serbia and Montenegro, nothing has happened
that could influence the life of these expelled people. It is still
nor known how the whole thing happened, nor what will happen from now
on.
Almost none of the actors and analysts of these events is
attempting to look deeper into the essence of these events. The fall
of Krajina and the expulsion of Serbs, are all levelled to - treason.
The treson came from here, from there, and similar. Croatian side
considers these actions as their great victory; that there is no
inhabitants or life in that area is not important, that was the goal
of the action anyway. If somebody was left on, he has to disappear as
soon as possible, about which the data of international and Croatian
NGO's which deal with the protection of human rights.
But, almost nobody asks themselves, why this has happened
the way it did, and why is it so hard to establish this? One of the
possible answers that is usually forgotten is found in the type of
politics which was lead, or better said, in the application of
non-political means. Since the beginnig of the conflict in Croatiaa
type of "secret powers"(arvana imperii) politics is present, where
all decisions and moves are made in "secret" circlesfar away from the
eyes of the public and any form of control. In such type of politics,
a complete stream of hierarchically organized, non-democratic
structures of power are developed, which function on the same
principle as the top itself, from the local community, military
units, up to the leading parties and the state. The decisions are
being made in secret meetings and in conflicts ofdifferent clans.
The legal forms of politicallife are used only as a facade, even then
rarely. In that form of "non-political" politics, the conflicts are
not solved through negotiations and agreements, but behind the scene
games, tricks, and power as the most reliable means for the solution
of problems, within the internal circle, as well as towards those
outside of it.
The problems of the Serbian question in Croatia should be
seen through the application of this type of politics, which will
make clearer the answer to the question why it is not known for sure
why everything ended uop in such a catastrophic manner for the
people. In that light sohuld also bee seen the numerous refusals of a
solution for the problem of Serbs in Croatia, from the first
versionof the cultural autonomy in 1990, up until the Z-4 Plan, which
were never fully presented to the peopleof those regions, and about
which it never had a chance to express an opinion.
Still, today it is more important to see what is to happen
with these people. Not even a year after, except simple proclamations
about the right to return, has anything substantial been done.
Neither have the conditions for their return been applied, nor for
their stay; both the international organizations and state
institutions are making up their minds how to grip firmly this
problem.
The conditions for the return are very unfavorable. The
situation is not better with remaining where they are now..
Everything is being done is it was up until now, from today until
tomorrow, and then we'll see.
Source: Belgrade by-weekly "Republika", August 1-31, 1996
ECONOMIC DISINTEGRATION OF SERBIA
Researcher at the Belgrade Economic Institute, Aleksandra
Posarac, discusses in the August 1-31, issue of the Belgrade
by-weekly "Republika" the continuing economic downfall of Serbia.
By the end of November 1995, sanctions against Yugoslavia
were suspended, universally blamed for all economic problems in
Serbia. In December we were showered with optimistic projections of
economic trends in 1996. In that manner, the Serbian government
envisaged an economic rise of 20%. It was also talked of doubling of
exports, as well as intensive rise of industrial production,
emplyment and income. The budget and public expenditures have been
planned royally. The rise of prices was not planned, actually
stability was prognostigated. "Well kept" big economic companies
were proclaimed as the key carriers of development. All these
spectacular results were to be achieved in the unchanged economic
system and with the same economic structure.
The regime in Serbia decidedly negates, afuses even a
thought of the necessity of privatization, market reforms and
structural adjustment. That is why the regime ad pro regime media
carry only the news about the problems of the states in transition.
There is not a word about economic rise, restructuring, particularly
in the countries that are leading in the reform process. For example,
the Serbs should pity the Slovenes, which are suffocating in economic
difficulties, but that is what they deserve since they seceded and
are almost admitted in the European Union. Nowhere is it said that
Slovenia has almost suceeded in returning to the level of 1989 and
that it has at least eight times highrer GNP that Serbia.
The economists which have warned that the government
projections of the economic rise in 1996 are unrealistic and
impossible to achieve, and that the economic downfall of Serbia will
continue until it does not enter, like the other former socialist
sates, the process of transition, were arrogantly attacked as
pessimists, "small time p[rofessors" and so on.
The economic developments of firs seven months of this year
give right to these experts. Theres no sign of the spectacular
industrial growth during this year, and it is hardly possible that
they will be greater than 2% compared to last years average. This
means that it will still be only 37-38 % of the 1989 level. The price
of the loss of the former Yugoslav market is obvoiously too high for
the Serbian industry. Insistence of safeguarding large economic
systems and blocking of structural adjustment is being paid with
economic downfall and instability. It is perfectly clear, even to
complete economic illiterates, that large socialist production units
are the stone around the neck of Serbia and that the policy of their
safeguarding will destruct whatever value is left in them and what
could represent the beginnign of successful bussiness in the process
of restructuring.
The registered rise in prices is not a surprise for the
experts, because it is clear to them for a long time that the state
property, current social system, economic structure and in essence
command economy generate inflation and recession by themselves. They
insist for a long time that without privatization, market reforms and
structural adjustment Serbia has only two choicees - inflation and
recession or hyperinflation and collapse. In the existing conditions,
even wit suspeneded sanctions there is no chance of sttable economic
recovery, as is seen by the economic trends in first seven months.
Source: Belgrade by-weekly "Republika", August 1-31, 1996
THE SITUATION IN THE YUGOSLAV
DIPLOMATIC SERVICE
Dragan Cicic of the Belgrade weekly "NIN" writes in the July
26, 1996 issue of that magazine on the situation in the FRY
diplomatic service.
Serbia hasdetaced itself from another European "burgeois
tradition". The picture of all dressed up refined gentleman, as the
people usually imagine the diplomat has receded in front of a jovial,
casually dressed joy seeklers in the model of former education
minister Daca Markovic, who do not bother themselves too much even
when, as ambassadors in key capitals like Moscow, they are accuesd of
stealing paintings. The others though, do not show that much interest
in art. One of our consuls in Germany, opening and exhibition of the
famous painter Nadezda Petrovic (passed away before the Second World
War), exused the author to visiting guests because she was not able
to attend "due to iunavoidable obligations at home".
This structure of the diplomatic service sprung up rather
quickly, in the last six years, although the changes have begun even
before that.
Just before the war, Borisav Jovic, then the member of the
Collective SFRY Presidency, talked to the diplomats who were still
recognizing the authority of the Presidency, meaning those from
Serbia and Montenegro. Jovic came at their request to answer pleas
that the diplomacy has been neglected. "We don't need you", he told
them, explaining to that that they have to be happy with what they
have, since it is no problem to the stateto give up their services.
Jovic's words have turned into a prophecy. Among other
things, diplomats have been completely denied the right to visit home
by air transport during their post abroad. Without money, those of
weaker health, in fear of naked existence, could visit their ministry
ery rarely, and those in cross-Atlantic countries practically not at
all. So, in the fiull swing of the crisis, while the country they
were representing was falling apart, the diplomats have found
themselves in almost complete isolation, which understood that at key
moments they only had vague notions about the processes which they
had to explain.
Finally, the professionals have been left without more
important positions, which were overtaken by the people in whom there
was more confidence - for example those from the State security
(SDB). There are cases that qualification enough was only internal
security of the Ministry of foreign Affars (guards and doormen),
whose former boss Dusan Jeremic became the ambassador to Peru.
The
most important example of that is Zoran Janackovic, former head of
the SDB of Serbia, who was posted as the General Secretary of the
Foreign ministry in 1992, and recently has been named for ambassador
in Macedonia. In his diplomatic tema in Skopje he will have two local
security officers from Leskovac (area in Southern Serbia from where
Janackovic originates). His vision of diplomacy Janackovic stated to
a long term professional who complained to him that he sits without
anything to do in the building of the Ministry. He explained to him
that he will not get another mission soon, since "he was abroad so
many times already".
The comprehension of diplomacy as some form of prize travel
at the state expence is not a personal invention of mr Janackovic. It
comes from a much higher position. "Now, the sole criteria is the
personal closeness to Milosevic familiy" one high of ficial of the
Ministry says.
In that manner, a whole group of Belgrade University
professors close to Mira Markovic found its way to ambassadorial
posts. They have given a decisive contribution to the rise of
Slobodan Milosevic, giving him unreserved support within the
University Communist organization. This group includes the mentioned
Danilo Z. Markovic, the first ambassdor after a few decades who was
excused of the obligation to pass a foreign language test in front of
a specialized Ministry comission, then Rados Smiljkovic, now
ambassador in Sofia, Slobodan Unkovic, abassdor in Peking, as well as
Balsa Spadijer, ambassador in Budapest.
The second group is compriesed by the people from the media
who have at certain times given unselfish help - Djoko Stojcic,
former editor in chief of "NIN" and now ambassador in Prague, the
chief editor of "Politika", Aleksandar Prlja, who is representing FRY
in Sweden, while also a role in diplomacy has been found for the
editor of the "Tanjug" news agency, Dusan Zupan. The only whose wish
is still not fullfilled is Rade Brajovic, the main editor of the
daily "Vecernje Novosti", who wants to become the ambassador to
India. No position has been settled yet for Zivorad Igic, who is
persistently denied the agreement of the Albanian government for the
ambassadorial post in Tirana, insisting that his appointment is a
provocation, since Igic distinguished himself with an openly harsh
stance towards Kosovo Albanians.
The similar stancewas held by Turkey, who finally did agree
to accept Darko Tanaskovic, an expert on Islam, who was at one pint a
counsellor to Radovan Karadzic.
Lastly, there are people who have not helped the
Milosevic-Markovic spouse team in an important political manner, but
are simply house friends, who have done them "non political" favors.
So, seventy year old marrieage witness of Milosevic's Veljko Curcic,
at one point personnel director of "Beobanka" bank, was appointed as
the ambassador to Slovakia. Mr Curcic is not even bothered with the
fact that he is at the same time employed in Slovakia as a counsellor
for a few of our commercial companies, which is usually completely
againtst diplomatic rules.
The second such example is Dojcilo Maslovaric, at one point
administrative officer in the Ministry, which finished university
later on, so that he could recently be named as the Ambassador in
Vatican. Maslovaric's wofe is a close friend of Mira Markovic.
As far as the personnel who is originally not from Serbia,
besides the Montenegrins there are those for whom it is not
completely clear what their base is. Such is the case, for example,
with Dobrosav Veizovic, who was the minister of foreign affairs of
Krajina up until last year, who has been sent as the ambassador to
Vienna.
Montenegro is also refreshing its personnel. Named as
ambassador to Kiev is Gojko Dapcevic, whose work experience so far is
limited to being the director of the marketing center in the coastal
resort of Budva. To be truthfull, Dapcevic's original profession is
that of a poet, although not a single of his poems has been
published. He is a personal friend of the president of the
Montenegrin Parliament Svetozar Marovic.
Waiting for ambassadorial posts are also Branislav Srdanovic,
counsellor for foreign policy of president Bulatovic and Nikola
Pejakovic, former head of the Montenegrin interior ministry.
Serdanovic is supposed to go to the Hague, and Pejakovic to Minsk,
while many think that it is quite important that these to posts are
not mixed up, since Pejakovic was a minister at the time when the
Montenegrin police had such a stance towards bosnian refugees, that
president Bulatovic publicly stated that he is ashamed of it. The
president of the Upper chamber of the Federal Parliament, is planned,
with his seventy years of age, as the ambassador to London.
The current federal prime minister, Radoje Kontic, also intends to
finish his career in the diplomatic service, possbily as ythe
ambassador to Poland. At least, it cannot be said that the current
prime minister does not have experience in external affairs. As far
as 1987, as the president of the government comission for foreign
relations, he fought against normalization of relations with Israel,
South Korea, South Africa and Taiwan, insisting that these countries
were "anti communist". He was at the time also against the entry of
Yugoslavia into EFTA, that was supposed to be the first steptowards
the membership in the EU.
Source: Belgrade weekly "NIN", July 26, 1996
THE SITUATION IN THE MEDIA
Teofil Pancic of the Novi Sad weekly "Nezavisni" examines in
the August 9, 1996 issue of the magazine the sudden downfall of the
nationalistic press in Serbia.
When the warmongering elan of the Serbian state media (under
a directive) cooled, since the peace suddenly lost all alternatives,
the key journalistic warmongers, people like Ratko Dmitrovic, who at
one point could not be taken off the screen of the state TV, have
found themselves among those who were not able, or did not want to
adopt to the new trend. That is why he left RTS and with a like
minded group formed a by-weekly "Argument", a low circulation
piublication geared towards that part of the readership which was
disgruntled with the gradual lessening of the nationalistic tension
in the state media.
In the brginnig the regime did not put up any obstacles to
its former exponent, but as the differences grew, and the Serbian
politics started to suffer a defeat after defeat, the unpleasant
witnesses which have learned the workings of the propaganda machine
from the inside - have become more and more unwanted. The obstruction
of the distribution of "Argument" begun, and finally the editorial
board was forced to stop publishing.
The problems faced by the editorial board of "Argument" are
only thre tip of the iceberg in the complicated relations of the
regime and its former allies from the ranks of journalistic
"patriots". The explicit nationalistic stances and rethorics which
was ruling at the beginning of the Nineties, is now out of favor,
because they remind of bad conscience of the regime which has created
them, or has given them spectacular promotion.
Before "Argument" two other explicitly nationalistic
magazines have stopped publishing in Serbia. The weekly "Pravda",
begun at the beginning of 1994 gathered the journalists of "Borba"
dissatisfied with the civic-libertarian orientation if this
independent daily. The tream headed by Blazo Sarovic, has promisingly
received space in the "Borba" building at the main Belgrade square,
which was even then mainly owned by the state.
Shortly after came the great, although forced changes in the
official policy of Serbia and the magazine which in the beginnig
attempted to support any "patriotic" option, no matter whether it was
coming from the regime or oppositionary circles, has found itself in
the open: it became a burden to the regime, the opposition had no
trust in journalists which have up until recently unreservedly
supported the regime, and the public proved to be completely
disinterested for ramblings of people like Dragos Kalajic, Milic od
Macve and other spearheads which this magazine was prod of. That is
why, after some twenty issues "Pravda" ceased to publish, since it
could not confirm itself either in the market or with political
sponsors of any kind.
The Kragujevac magazine "Pogledi" had a completely different
history: it began as a soc-realism paper of the studentss of
Kragujevac University, so that at the end of the Eighties it found
itself in the hands of an editorial team headed by Miroslav
Samardzic, which geared it towards then current trend of
rehabilitation of the Chetnik movement, as the second Serbian
anti-fascist movement. Front page portraits of the Chetnik leader
Draza Mihajlovic and reaffirmation of the ideology and iconography
that were taboo for half a century, have contributed to an
unbeleivable market boom of, until then, unknow Kragujevac student
paper. The circulation rose exponentionally until the number of two
hundred thousand.
When the war began, "Pogledi" aligned itself with the most
radical nationalistic streams on both left and right side of the
Drina river, consistently propagating the concept of "Greater
Serbia", for which it is good to sacrifice a large number of Serbs,
others even more. The paper continuously "called names" of "non
patriotic" intellectuals and journalists, which dared to think
differently about the unhonorable role of Serbian units in the wars
in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina.
When the war elan started to flatten, as well as the
nationalistic feelings of the masses, "Pogledi" saw their circulation
tumble. Neither the regime, nor the democratic opposition, nor the
international public moved a finger to prevent the downfall of the
paper which was a symbol of the darkest ideology in the history of
Serbian nation. "Pogledi" folded a few months ago, without a trace of
the fact in the public.
It is obvious that the time of the press with strong
nationalistic charge is on the vane, and the regime is trying hard to
help that this occurrs as soon as possible and with as little furror
as possible. Only the most incorrigible naive persons beleive that
this is done because the establishment came to its senses, seeing
that the stimulation of nationalism was a mistake. This is only a
matter of covering up a defeat. Thids is done most simply by
provclaiming that there was no war at all, nor any state nationalism.
(Source: Novi Sad weekly "Nezavisni", August 9, 1996)
Radovan Balac in the same magazine of August 23, 1996, looks
also at the media, but from the aspect of the fortcoming electinos in
FRY.
Five days after the elections were called, asthe law says,
the representative of the Kontic government, Information minister
Dragutin Brcin, called representatives of some 120 parties to sign
the Agreement on the representsation of parties in the state media
during the pre-election campaign. This would be idyllic if it isnn,t
both comic and tragic. The government wrote the agreement accordeing
to an old scenario: in the shortest time span possible, the greatest
possible number of parties would march across the TV screen so the
the voters would get sick of it all, or at least that much that they
would watch these promotions as little as possible.
In the Agreement, which was supposedly signed by the
representatives of 33 parties (although the list is being kept
secret), and which was immediately scorned by the strongest
opposition parties, it is envisaged that the party promotions start
immediatley after the calling of the elections. But, since Lilic's
decision, for the RTS, there are no other parties except SPS and JUL.
By Brcins' agreement it is also envisaged that TRS and RTCG
unil October 6 follow at least fivre promotional gatherings of each
party which participates in the elections, as well as the same number
from that date until the elections on November 3. The party
promotions which will be determined by a draw, will be shown on the
Second TV program from 21,50, until 23,19.
So, late at night parties and sem-parties, leaders and
self-proclaimed leaders will stream across the screen, and the nation
can have as much fun as it wants. Or it can skip to the First
channel, where the real propaganda awaits, of course, it is known in
whose favor.
The representatives of the SPO, DS, DSS and GSS have refused
to sign such an agreement, and Seselj's Radicals have only sent an
observer to the meeting.
Minister Brcin refused to put into discussion the proposal
of the "Zajedno" coalition, by which the state media would not,
during the electoral campaign, air comments or similar programs, but
only information about the activities of the parties. This proposal
also included the clause that until October 6, only parties with
members of the Parliament would have air time, and after, that the
list would include those parties that have presented candidate lists
in more than one electoral unit.
These and other oppositionary proposals were, of course refused,
so we will again be able to see the well known hodge podge, and all
under the guise of equal representation of parties. The greater part
of the smaller parties will appear only to obstruct others, so that a
circus could be made of the whole thing. From there to the button to
turn off the tv is a short distance. all are supposedly equal, but it
is already known who will have the longest air time, but also the
true promotion.
Source: Novi Sad weekly "Nezavisni", August 23, 1996
LANGUAGE AS A POLITICAL TOOL
The editor of the Banjaluka independent by-weekly "Novi
Prelom", Miodrag Zivanovic, discusses in the magazine's issue of
August 15, 1196, the question of the political misuse of the language
question in Republika Srpska part of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
I look at the law on the official use of language and
scripture. The law lists what is understood under official use.
That's fine. But then, comes a whole list of articles after which an
exclamation or question mark must be placed.
For example, the educators and teachers in basic schools, in
general have to teach in "Ekavica"(Serb) language inflection. In
middle and high schools, as well as universities it is possible to
use "Ijekavica"(Bosnian and Croat) inflection. In third and fourth
grade the students are to learn Latinic letters, once a week.
Cyrillic letter are obligatory everywhere and in every
place, and "Ekvaica" inflection is obligatory in the media, and
anything that has a character of public words. The law does though
provide that it could be done differently with author's texts, if the
author demands it. Practically, there is no "Ijekavica" and no
Latinic letters. Who does not abide by the law, is to be controlled
by the language police (ministry) and will pay fines. all this to
preserve the body of the Serbian language.
And what is to be said to all this ? First of all, through
the language and in it, all of us are put in an unnatural situation.
The live essence of the Serbian language here - which has an
"Ijekavica" inflection is eliminated by an administrative decision.
We have to speak and write in a manner we never did. Even worse: we
have to teach that the kids in kindergardens and elementary schools!
Secondly, applying this law, it is obvious that we will have
generations of kids which will not know how to use Latinic letters.
How will they learn foreign languages, become part of technological
revolutions, contact the world ? Or, maybe, with an intervention, a
law will be brought about with which the Americans, English, French
or Germans will have to know Cyrillic letters?
Thirdly, looking in general, the law in question is only a
step further in our return to the past and in our self-isolation. It
is known that such steps are only taken by those who are the enemies
of their people.
Judging by all, our authorities are doing all this in a
planned and organized manner. They are, outside of real life,
creating an artificial one, a construct which is to rule all of us.
Of course this is something that has already been seen. By this, it
seems, Stalin is returning for the second time among the Serbs.
Source: Banjaluka by-weekly "Novi Prelom", August 15, 1996
