Pristina (Kosovo) weekly, "Koha", presented in its issue of July 15, 1997, an analysis by Arben Puto, looks upon the current key political players in Albania.
On 29 June, preliminary elections took place in Albania. In six years of political pluralism, these are the fourth elections. In the modern Albanian history they represent the most unusual and had not been anticipated even by the most far-sighted political analysts. As never before, the European diplomacy focused its attention on Albania. Several diplomatic missions and negotiators, hundreds of technical experts and thousands of military forces came into the country preparing the an acceptable terrain to carry through elections.
The question raised after the announcement of the elections' result is whether they can be considered elections or a plebiscite decision on the part of the Albanian people? The overwhelming victory of the socialists supports the second assessment. Once again, the future Albanian parliament will be dominated by one single party, will the familiar two-colour flag ever be a distinguishable feature of the Albanian elections of the nineties.
After severe manipulations of May 1996 elections, the Democratic Party lost the support of the international community; its intervention became the main factor for the preliminary elections. The actual elections results strengthen the tendency: the opposition dominantly comes into power and the roles are reversed.
One of the reasons for this phenomena is the fact that Albanians are usually brought to the ballot boxes in order to "take rid" of someone who has acted irresponsibly and caused much trouble. In 1992 the people voted against the communist regime, whereas in 1997 the vote represented a popular discontent and protest mainly against president Sali Berisha who is considered to be the main responsible for the occurrence of the pyramid schemes and the anarchy in the country.
People's vote is an emotional vote of "settling accounts and pouring out discontent". As a consequence, Albanians do not consider a third alternative. Their anger does not allow them to perceive other options except the ones to be punished and the ones to replace them. Clear enough, in these circumstances, we do not have genuine political elections, based on careful considerations of party programmes, but only plebiscite decisions on the part of the people who sides with this or the other alternative.
In the meetings we had with socialist leaders, we had the impression that they were weak and undetermined" a western official has stated. This highlights the fact that socialists were not prepared for such an overwhelming victory and the vote can not be considered as their property.
Among main factors that made them victorious is the policy of complete marginalization followed by the Democrats in power. first, the marginalization does not charge them with responsibility over the pyramid schemes collapse which is the basis of political crisis and change in Albania. Second, it did not give them chance to participate in the establishment of a state which practises were gradually sliding into authoritarianism, not proving space for any alternative view. The socialist party, being the largest in number and well-organised, was the most significant opponent that strongly protested against Berisha's rule.
Another factor in the picture is the SP abandonment of the old sectarian policies, and its participation in coalitions that two or three years ago would have seemed inconceivable. Such is the case with the coalition reached between the SP and Social Democrats and Democratic Alliance, or its participation in the "Forum for Democracy" which brought together both left-wing and right-wing parties. These acts created a new image, no longer identifiable with the old Labour Party. The appearance into the political stage of new figures/personalities such as the socialist prime minister Bashkim Fino had a great impact on the electorate. Fino seemed to be evaluated for his new style of governance rather than from the concrete results in the hot Albanian terrain.
Working under extreme tension (every move might lead to bloodshed), he maintained his calmness and balance and established working relationships with his political opponents, including President Berisha. His appearance proved that the Socialist Party was no longer residence of old bureaucrats, as usually criticised by right-wing press, but as all other parties it had evolved moderately enough and renewed its structures.
A major credit in the reformation and victory is given to its leader Fatos Nano. In 1992, Nano, last communist prime minister and leader of the SP, did not have many chances compared to the new charismatic leader of the Democrats, Sali Berisha. Fearing a possible loss of SP electorate, Nano did not move quickly to reform the party, and transform it into social-democratic..... At these critical moment, he was assisted by his political opponent, Berisha. He was imprisoned on charges of corruption, but his imprisonment produced the reverse/contrary effect. In most of the cases, attentive European circles considered his imprisonment and trial as "settling accounts" rather than as a penal case. In this sense, Nano got the features of an opposition leader unjustly persecuted. His imprisonment seriously affected his party as well. The reformation process was suspended, but Nano became a symbol of unity for the Albanian socialists, who nationally sensitise the people on this issue. Charismatic and purified by his years of imprisonment, Nano recently exercised a strong influence on the Albanian electorate, that 5 years ago overthrew his Government.
No doubt, the victory of Socialist Party is attributed also to the support of the international community. This support is not direct result of any successful policy on the part of the Albanian socialists. Let us remind ourselves of the fact that their membership is not yet accepted by the Socialist International. The west used to be very sensitive and full of prejudices regarding their descendance from Communist Labour Party. Once again, it was President Berisha's deeds that helped out. In the situation in which he was gradually loosing international support, his anti-Communist policies were giving reverse effects: the attention of the international community was directed to other alternative political figure/personality. Related to that, the greatest victory of the Albanian socialists is not the actual support they are getting by the West, but the fall?? of anti-Communist prejudices of European diplomatic circles.
The rise and fall of Democratic Party is related only to one name, that of Sali Berisha. No doubt, Albanian Democratic Party was the most successful party among the anti-Communist parties of Eastern Europe. After one year of existence it was successful in winning against one of the most severe communist dictatorships in the continent. In this struggle, a significant role was played by its leader Sali Berisha. His remarkable vitality and vigour made him one of the most popular leaders of the new Eastern European democracies. "All co-sufferers and co-culprits" declared Berisha, on 23 March 1992, touching the heart of many Albanians who took part in the great gatherings, marking the fall of communist dictatorship.
Hope was soon replaced by disillusion. His great popularity and his long experience as communist party secretary, changed him into an authoritarian leader, thirsty of personal power. Soon he controlled his party, the parliament, the army, the juridical power turning himself into an all-mighty ruler. The first, to suffer from his old style was the Democratic Party, the party of hope as it was called. Moderated intellectuals, those that founded the party were rapidly excluded from power/decision-making. As a result of this, local elections of July 1992 mark the first loss of the Democrats. The other second heavy loss was the voting down of the draft Constitution, November 1994. In this referendum, Albanians voted down the constitution which gave unlimited powers/competencies to the President.
The opposition pointed out that the voting down of the draft constitution was a clear sign of protest/discontent against the authoritarian policies of Berisha. But what left Berisha without international support were the grave manipulations and the persecution of the opposition, during May 1996 elections. They mark the beginning of an anomalous period in institutional development, during which Government policies were object to severe criticism on the part of human right organisations and Western Governments. The democrats stimulated and did not take any action against the illegal pyramid schemes for they knew this would affect the election results. Endemic corruption, irresponsible economic policy and political short-sightedness are the main factors of democrats failure to govern the country.
Of great concern is Democrats' attitude after the elections. They make international institutions responsible for their failure. True, the west is supporting the opposition, but let us consider the reasons why the western diplomacy changed its position. The main reason is the bad governance of the Democratic Party. First of all, this party should radically transform its structures and do away with corrupted and consumed??? political elements, including Berisha.
An interesting development in the life of the Albanian right was the appearance of Leka Zog, pretender of King's throne. His arrival represent, no doubt, a compromise among all political forces, reached under very special circumstances. In any other country, the claim for the monarch's throne would nor be that easy to be handled. In the Albanian case, the most elementary juridical procedures were by passed. First, Albanian authorities should have resolved the issue related to the decision of the Constitutional Assembly which forbid the King to return to Albania. Second, the pretender for the throne never showed willingness to respect the laws of his country. The question is: did the Albanian politicians take him seriously? The Albanian prime minister declared that "he met his Majesty Leka Zog". The "Monarch" from South Africa did not mind to cause trouble in the main squares of the capital, spaces denied to the opposition for the last four years. It became clearer that the pretender for throne is becoming a tool in the hands of the losers, those interested not to recognise the election results. Leka Zog, is driving away from his first peaceful appearance and claim for brotherhood. He become a source of tension and open confrontation. He deserves what has been written in the Albanian press "Leka left Albania when a child and he returned again as a child".
Source: Pristina weekly "Koha", July 15, 1997
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