Tirana daily "Koha Jone" brings in its issue of Saturday, 5 July 1997, an article by a prominent Albanian professor of law, Alex Luarasi, concerning historical, political and legal aspects of monarchy as a possible state model in Albania.
In the chaos that emerged after the collapse of the pyramid schemes and the state itself, the pretender for throne, Leka Zog thought his day had come. In his pathetic Albanian, he declared that he would bring peace and understanding amid Albanians, that he stood above the political parties, and in case the monarchy option lost in the referendum he would remain an ordinary Albanian citizen.
Three months after his arrival, when the results of the referendum are still not declared by the Central Elections Committee, Zog's conduct is different. Followed by hundreds of supporters he organises an illegal gathering which turns into a violent march in the main streets of the capital, destroying the posters of the Socialist Party that intended to celebrate its victory, and clashing with the police that protected the residence of the Central Elections Committee.
Instead of the civil suit of a politician, Zog carries a military uniform and a pistol. His fans are armed with kallashnikovs and grenades. They also dare block the main road that connects the capital with the north of Albania, aggravating the political situation all over the country. No Albanian political party has dared give such a demonstration of force. It is a warning to the kind of "democracy" that "the King" pretends to establish in the terrorised country.
The above event reminds one of the bitter forgotten history: the return of his father to power in December of 1924, assisted by Serb and Russian military forces.
The referendum on the form of the Albanian state was part of the agreement reached by political parties on 9 March 1997. The questioning of the form of the state, republic or monarchy, so far a resolved issue, is a clear expression of the light-mindedness and short-sightedness of the Albanian political class that was caught unprepared by the armed rebellion in the south.
The monarchy of 1928-39 was not established by popular referendum; therefore, there is no need to reassume it with referendum. After a consolidation of personal power during 1924-1928, the ambitious Zog wanted to become king. As all the other politicians of that time he did not have royal blood, therefore no legal reason to pretend the throne.
He derived from a feudal lord family of Mati, which to a certain degree had played a conservative role in the political life of the time. His intention to become king met with a series of significant juridical obstacles. Article 41 of the Statute of the Republic stressed that the form of the republic could not be changed by no means. Neither the juridical clauses, nor landlord's origin did not refrain his ambition. After several procedural combinations he declared the elections for the Constitution Assembly, that was convened in August 1928. This Assembly approved the Statute of the First Albanian Kingdom and on December 1, 1928 declared Albania `Democratic and Parliamentarian Kingdom' and Ahmet Zog `King of Albanians'.
The Monarchy ceased "de facto" on April 7, 1939 with the Italian fascist invasion of Albania. The Permeti Congress (24 May 1944) forbid Zog's return to Albania and asserted that the form of the regime was going to be decided after the war. It was understandable that the communists that made and won the National Liberation war could not save the throne for the King. "De jure" the monarchy revoked by Constitutional Assembly's decision of year 1946, which approved the new Constitution and declared Albania a Popular Republic. So, a Constitutional Assembly established the Monarchy and another one revoked. There are reservations regarding the elections that produced the Assemblies of 1928 and 1945, but this does not change the issue. The form of governance, republic or monarchy does not have to do with the form of the regime: democratic or totalitarian. Totalitarian regimes can thrive both under monarchic(fascism) and republican (communism) rule. Furthermore, the form of governance was affirmed once again with the democratic revolution of 1991 and the "Main Constitutional Dispositions" law that is still in force.
The programme of the pretender for the throne was simple: Monarchy brings peace and understanding. What `the king' meant by peace was actually manifested during the demonstration of force by his fans and the blocking of the main road that leads to north Albania. The fact that the monarchy should stand above the political parties was clearly communicated in the attack against the left coalition. Politicians are playing the nationalist card, the royalists (Legaliteti) even more. `The King' aspires for a great Kingdom. However, in the several meetings with the electorate the pretender did not clarified how he intends to create the "the ethnic Albania", in other words: how is it going to take Kosova from Serbia, the western part of Macedonia, and Cameria from Greece? By war? It seems adventurous in particular considering the actual state of the Albanian army.
This rhetoric resembles a lot the communist propaganda, according to which we are ready "to destroy any aggressor ad coalition of aggressors, such as Nato and Warsaw Pact!". Through negotiations? Is there any willingness shown on the part of the neighbours to let their territories go, or is there any promise made by the Great Powers to reconsider the borders of year 1913? History reminds us that so far, Zog's Kingdom have only given up territories, such as the case of Saint Naum, and never taken any.
The strongest card of Leka Zog during the referendum campaign was the Constitutional Statute of the Albanian Kingdom of 1928. Thousands of copies of the Statute have been distributed to Albanians, representing it as a model of a democratic constitution that Albania actually lacks. Without going into a detailed political and juridical analysis of this document, one can point certain elements such as the definition of Albania as "Democratic and Parliamentarian Kingdom". Related to the democratic component, one should know that the Constitutional Statute did not allow for political pluralism which is the main mechanism of any democracy. The Statute allows only the founding of associations, but not the creation of political parties (Article 199). Political pluralism that existed in Albania during 1921-1924, was prohibited by law after the return of Zog to power. The first normative act of the Government in January 1925 was the suspension and outlawing of any organisation and association suspected for `revolutionary and Bolshevik' activity. The consideration of this Statute as Constitution for the present Albanian state means a negation of political pluralism and democracy.
Another question relates to the `parliamentary monarchy' status. The parliament existed, but it was formal and fictive, for it lacked the opposition, a fundamental component of any parliamentarian democracy. The parliament constituted of a single chamber with 57 deputies elected indirectly for a period of four years. The Statute declared the parliament totally under the control of the King who could suspend and dissolve it at any time. Under these circumstances, the parliament formally approved laws and Government's decisions praising time after time `the August genial King'. The Statute attributed the King with exclusive broad competencies turning him into a all-powerful governing monarch.
Ahmet Zog is a complex historical personality. Among his merits, two are already recognised by objective historiography: the creation of a strong modern legislation (1925-1939), oriented towards western models of the time, and the consolidation of an authoritarian Albanian state with a regular-functioning administration. These positive points have been often overestimated and presented as the main features of King Zog's rule. For the sake of truth, one should mention the fact that apart from the laws following the western models, other laws with a repressive political character were approved as well. Zog was absolutely severe with his political opponents, whom he liquidated with legal and illegal methods in order to pave the way to more personal power. It is enough to make mention of the assassination of personalities like Luigj Gurakuqi, Avni Rustemi and Bajram Curri. In the economic and social realms, Albania remained a mythical backward country.
The question is: Would Albanians, desperate under the conditions of bad governance, allow themselves to be disillusioned again? The future of Albania does not lie in the past, but ahead towards European models of democracy and legal state. For those who think that once Albania becomes Kingdom, it will be like UK, Spain, Belgium or the Netherlands, one can argue with the fact that these countries has got centuries of monarchical tradition and democracy at the same time. More than a relic, monarchy stands as a political tradition, a symbol of the history of the state which in the case of Albania is absent.
Albania is the country of miracles and political paradoxes. Only in Albania, a Republican Party makes pre-election coalition with the Monarchists (1996), or that a centre right party as the Democratic Party (1997) can make a coalition with the Legaliteti Movement, independent of the fact that the form of state/governance is in jeopardy. That is why the results are unpredictable and unexpected. In the parliamentary elections, the Legaliteti Movement got 3-4% of the general vote, whereas in the referendum the monarchy has got 10 times more. The big actors of the Albanian politics are two: SP and DP with 75-80% of the electorate. As declared, if the electorate of these two parties would have voted for the republic, the question would not have been brought forward for discussion at all.
Leka Zog and his party do not have the right to complain as far as campaigning conditions are concerned. The referendum campaign started long ahead before it was officially declared, often even in contradiction to the laws. Although the law "On the state of emergency" forbid more than 4 Albanians to come together, the monarchists did not face any difficulty in meeting Albanians all over the country. Though "the Main Constitutional Dispositions" and the "Law on Education" state that the school/university is a depoliticised unit, university auditoriums were put at monarchists' disposal. The Albanian RTV reserved the throne for the king, an approach that all the political parties followed with the King, who was considered only in lack of crown.
Leka Zog was deceived by this environment. The Albanian political class completely irresponsible, as the witches of Shakespeare's tragedy roused in him McBethian dreams. "Long live McBeth who will be our King!" Instead of this stand, the political class could have given this message the pretender for the throne: You are welcome to come to Albania as an Albanian without carrying with you neither the merits nor the responsibilities of your father. You are free to participate in the political life, as party leader, parliamentarian, minister or president if this is the verdict of the people, but not as King for Albania is not the "Ciflig" of anyone to be inherited from one generation to another. This makes sense if the "royal throne" was asked for peacefully. In the case of forceful assertion on the part of the pretender, let us remind him of the indisputable right of the people for uprising against the tyrants.
Source: Tirana daily "Koha Jone, July 5, 1997
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