B. Ajdini of the Macedonian Albanian language magazine "Flaka" writes in the issue of 15 July 1997 about the political scene in Albania after the elections.
The parliamentary elections which took place in Albania, were evaluated by many observers within the international community, as the only way out of the destructive process that the whole country went through this year. The revolt of Albanian citizens, which in certain parts of the country was transformed into a rebellion against state institutions came as a result of the collapse of the pyramid schemes, which according to reliable data, amounted to a loss of over 1.2 billion USD, surpassing even the state budget.
Under these circumstances it is understandable that the people will go into streets, but no one forecasted the speedy turn of the events, the violent proportion of the armed rebellion, the death and the wounding of many citizens and the complete destruction of the economy.
The engagement of the international community in the Albanian crisis was indispensable and proved to be both reasonable and successful. The external powers, represented by OSCE and the American Government, appraised the stand of president Berisha who recognised the necessity of the creation of Reconciliation Government led by it political opposition that made use of the crisis and led the popular rebellion, particularly in the southern regions of the country.
The response of the voters in the elections of 29 June show how necessary elections are amidst a generally insecure climate. The elections results show that Albanians were disillusioned by the rule of the Democratic Party and, in particular, by the policies of the president of the Republic Sali Berisha. Many political analysts, who followed closely the events in Albania, judged the verdict of the people as an Albanian plebiscite against the DP and President Berisha and not as a distinctive victory of the programmes of the left alternative. Many Albanians declare that they voted pro the socialists not because they side with the left alternative, but because they consider Socialist Party the strongest opponent of Berisha' s democrats who "took all their money and destroyed the country". The loss was also accepted by the democrats, who rightly stressed that the parliamentarian elections were neither free not democratic, by only acceptable for the actual conditions of the Albanian state. The international community has expressed the same opinion in maintaining that elections were not free and democratic, in particular, in the south of the country, but only 'adequate and acceptable'.
According to the reports of OSCE observers, the democrats did not have the possibility of campaigning, neither of being represented in the election committees of the south because of their lives being threatened. Apart from the party militants, armed gangs in many parts of the country have terrorised the population adding to the number of victims. Whilst all the political parties in Albania accept the validity of people's decision to change the leading structures of the country, both the current government and the opposition have declared themselves in favour of the tranquillisation of the situation and eventual democratisation.
The convincing victory of the socialists in the June 29 elections represents, according to many analysts of the Albanian media, an erroneous tendency on the part of the Albanians for voting as if in a plebiscite. Once again, a single party will have absolute majority in the decision-making, representing a new danger for the actual conditions of Albania. What is not excluded is the possibility of new upheavals in case the new political state garniture works in the same line, and attempts political revanche. The Albanian socialists have declared that they will not repeat the mistakes of their opponents, but will form a broad coalition Government, sharing leading posts in the new parliament with the opposition. Apart from that, the leftists have to meet a real challenge in the initial stage of their rule, the compensation of the pyramid scheme losses', particularly after their campaigning promises to deal and resolve the issue. The maintenance of this stand, and the deadlines of the Salvation Committees of Vlora can have a boomerang effect. The democrats, formally the guilty party may use the weak position and eventual failures of the opposition in power, and prepare the terrain for their eventual return to power. If something is certain in this country it is the continuous political, social, and economic discontent on the part of the people, independent of the circumstances and the fact of who is governing in Albania.
In the backstage of the preliminary elections was the referendum for status of the Albanian state. But, after the 29 June, incomplete but official data showed that more that 60 per cent of the electorate had voted pro the monarchy and the referendum got primary importance. The issue became tangible considering the contradictory data and the delay of the final official results on the status of the state. Many Albanian were questioned after the elections on the possibility of voting for the socialists and the monarchy at the same time. A mini questionnaire in the capital shows that both option stood together in need of a political balance between left and right. Soon the appearance of Leka Zog with military uniform disillusioned many, and his protests against manipulations of the vote draw little attention and little support.
Source: Macedonian (Albanian language) magzine "Flaka", July 15, 1997
Monitor Index | War Zone | MediaFilter
