Mero Baze of the Tirana daily "Albania", looks upon in the issue of 26 June 1997, at the two political alternatives in Albania, as on the role of NGO's formed in Albania after the firs free elections.
A lot of difficulties have accompanied the electoral campaign. Assaults and assassination attempts, especially to the right-wing politicians have occurred. This has caused a deep split in the electorate, and also a growing tendency on the part of the people, undecided and terrorised, not to vote.
What was achieved over six years by the anti-Communist coalition has already collapsed. Albanian institutions, were experiments that represent a melange of communist and anti-Communist practises, with some young people and few old ones, and both dependent and independent at the same time. Today these institutions do not exist. This inclusive schema did not work and these institutions could not create their own profile. Today, Albania is a state without army, without police, without courts, without customs and border-controls. The only thing that has remained is its political class. Sali Berate and his administration are facing a situation of aggression.
Most of the people, once close to Berisha, have joined the opposition in order to escape punishment for the crimes they have committed so far. The Defence Minister together with his family, and 170 thousand dollars in his pocket, left the country during the worst days of the turmoil. The three ex-deputy prime ministers who were mainly responsible for DP policies, created a new party which is richer than the DP in terms of its budget. Ex-prime minister Aleksander Meksi, mumbling because he is seventh in line on the DP proportional list, appears to be unhappy that nobody counts him as an option for a future prime minister. Sali Berisha has gathered round himself a new generation of politicians - for instance the leader of the December '90 movement - in order to face the physical, moral, political and national aggression. This is Berisha's only campaign in which he has not promised a better financial or political future. For him and the class he leads, the model of democracy and that of economic prosperity is a process that started but that has been suspended. He is only trying to put the brakes on the consequences of the armed rebellion. His electoral geography is far extended than that of his opponents. He has campaigned from Tropoje to Fier, from Korca to Durres.
Contrary to this, his political opponents, apart from their TV election spots, permeated by a folk song from the south of Albania, have limited their campaign only to the south of Albania, below Shkumbin river.
The model of consolidated democracy created by Berisha and his administration is questioned, raising great concerns on who will lead the state and society in chaos. There exists a view that Berisha has been more liberal than necessary, not resolute enough to protect the state institutions from violence. The new people Berisha has gathered around himself - among them distinguished figures such as DPA Secretary General Genc Pollo, or the International Secretary, Leonard Demi - are incontestable, but having to deal with an armed opponent, with "generals" and anti-tank weapons, Pollo and Demi look more like illusionists. With this new model of government, these new personalities who stand for new political leadership, along uncertainties and lessons learned the hard way, Berisha invites Albanians to try once again the chances of democratic government.
In the south of Albania a model of ideological dictatorship reigns. The violent attack on Leonard Demi, the prevention of the delivery of the right wing press to seven towns of the south and the fear of people to read the journals or watch Albanian television are more important the fear to discuss openly political stands are the first clear signs of this ideological dictatorship.
Three candidates of the Democratic Party in Saranda declared to the Central Election Committee that they find it impossible to campaign in their constituencies, since the Socialist Party has mobilised armed gangs to stop them from meeting their electorate. The same happened to the DP candidate who competes with Fatos Nano in Tepelena; with some candidates in Berat and all the DP candidates in Vlora. Not only is there military dictatorship and violence toward towards political opponents but an ideological dictatorship is in full operation, strongly supported by the charlatans of a few international organisations. In the South of Albania, a dictatorship against free thought and free speech rules; the DP politicians can not be heard. The situation has deteriorated so much that people hide the right-wing papers they buy in Tirana under car seats -even worse than their money - when they travel back home south.
This reality can hardly be disputed by anyone. Questions arise if the left wins for they might implement the model of ideological dictatorship all over the country. Should this model be eliminated and attempts made to rebuild an open civil society. In case of abandonment of the model, they have to face the South Committees and chiefs of armed gangs who accompany the SP leaders where they campaign. This is almost impossible to do. The chairman of the Public Salvation Committee of Vlora, Albert Shyti, is running for parliamentarian on behalf of the left coalition. In this way, he will come to parliament in a violent way, and will violently proceed with his opponents. There is no way, for the left coalition to do away with the trash that would bring them to power. Many Albanians fear the fact that the model of dictatorship existing in the South may be a model for state polity in case socialists come to power. These fears grow as a result of a statement by Fatos Nano, who recently considered the south as a 'free zone' and the criminal acts to the democratic leaders as personal grudges.
In the midst of this very tense climate and radicalism of Albanian society, representatives of the main political parties flew to Rome to sign a social pact which in essence aims at common recognition and legitimacy of June 29 elections. This declaration, a miracle on its own, may have the same fate of March 9 and May 9 agreements. March 9 political agreement, from which National Reconciliation Government emerged, remains half-way because its three main goals (restoration of order, preparations of elections and transparency on pyramid schemes) have not been accomplished. The National Reconciliation Government is one of the most unsuccessful in post-communist Albania.
It is supported and 'pumped up' by the international community to convince Albanians that life is better with than without Government. The chances of the May 9 agreement, which aims at the dissolution of illegal committees and free movement of candidates during electoral campaign have not been realised. None of the DP leaders and no representative of right wing press can go any further down than Fire district. Who dares, pays dearly. The committees are not simply dissolved on the contrary those who sign in favour of their dissolution have put the committee's chiefs in their electoral lists. The pact among Albanian parties, mediated by the same Italian priest that "reconciliated" Rugova and Milosevic may have the same destiny as the latter's agreement on education.
During the electoral campaign in Albania, a series of so-called independent NGOs have openly interfered. So did institutions that had a certain influence on international community, but that are considered as heavily compromised within Albania.
The tough criticism addressed to the Albanian Helsinki Committee or Society for Democratic Culture, regardless the etiquette of communication. has real ground. The vocabulary used against them is not an excuse to hide the reality and their partisanship. Albania had had a sectarian prime minister who used to say "Everything is all right, if the enemy talks and calls names on you". The issue is that neither Albanian Helsinki Committee, nor the Societies for Democratic Culture, nor the bunch of NGOs led by men, can not excuse their partisanship by the fact that they have been attacked by the right press. In concrete terms, since March 1, the right wing press has not been allowed to enter the south of Albania. Violence has been used against the people who tried to sent it there. If this sounds and looks normal to Prof. Puto (Chairman of the Albanian Helsinki Committee) is a different matter. Mr. Puto should publicly clarify his position, his silence on the use of violence, his coolness when people judge his abuse of the name of the institution he chairs. Nothing changes if these institutions declare at least that they are left oriented. The issue arises when they declare themselves non-partisan. Nobody has the right to force Prof. Puto to change his political convictions at his age, meanwhile he should not try to convince us that he is 'neutral and fair'. He is a leftist and as a leftist he is honoured by the left. Likewise, Miranda Gace (Chair of NGO:Society for Democratic Culture)is a serious administrator, but not at all neutral. She openly insults all Kavaja women, because the town traditionally has voted for the Democrats.
What is clear is these organisations should appear non-partisan, in order to get funding from international organisations. It would be more fair on the part of the 'impartial' international organisation that they would clarify that funds are available only for left - wing supporter, saving time and energies in he endless debate. Donors appear aggressive sometimes. The 'neutral' Soros has become bank of the Albanian communists. In fund-securing struggle have entered also other 'independent' institutions such as Albanian Media Institute. It would have been respectable on the behalf of this institution to launch an international appeal for the redemption of the physical injury done to the right-wing press in one third of the territory of the country; to draft projects for overcoming this situation, rather than make pathetic statements for tolerance.
If the so-called independent institutions truly believe that the people in the south do not want right-wing press, that the south belongs to the Socialist Party, (to the point of proclaiming itself an autonomous region if Berisha's party wins the elections) than it would be better to voice their ideas openly, instead of appealing for reconciliation to the ones that have put on bullet-proof jackets and keep anti-tank weapons on their shoulders. Trying to offer reconciliation between armed-to-the-teeth gangs and civilians is in essence an attempt to enforce death of the citizenship. If this is the mission of our so-called independent foundations, they had better put on bullet-proof jackets and join their old true friends.
Whatever is decided on June 29, it will be difficult that it is acknowledged and trusted by Albanians. The are now at the pinnacle of anarchy, as one of Fino's ministers has it 'in a primitive state of mankind where everybody has the right to do everything to everyone'. Forecasts should be prudently voiced, because the choices on the horizon are between only two political models: dictatorship or democracy.
Source: Tirana daily "Albania", June 26, 1997
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