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One of the regular political analysts for a number of independent journals, Slobodan Inic, looks at the politics of Slobodan Milosevic concerning Kosovo in the March 20 and 27 issues of the Novi Sad weekly "Nezavisni."

The manner in which Serbian government envisaged and approached the opening of the dialogue with Kosovo Albanians only confirms American estimates that it did not show sincere intentions in all this, which means that it is ready to trick the other side in all manners possible.

That is why no one should be surprised that Kosovo Albanians did not show up so far at the official act of opening the dialogue, although it is hard to understand why they did not even courteously greet the acceptance of the dialogue by the Serbian side.

The speedy formation of the governmental dialogue group and it immediate trip to Pristina speaks for itself how much all this has been done under pressure by the international factors on Serbia, and not as an outcome of its authentic estimates and free will to approach the opening of the political dialogue with the Albanian side in Kosovo.

In the manner in which the Serbian government envisaged and approached the negotiations, without preparations, and after a decade of political and national empty phrases about how the situation in Kosovo is "all well," suddenly inviting the other side to a dialogue, only proves that it has covered up the previous situation, that it is insincere in its negotiating intentions, and finally, that it is doing all this under international pressure.

It is also unthinkable that one negotiating side, the way the Serbian government representatives did, calls the other to negotiations with designated names of negotiators, giving the impression that it is choosing the negotiating team of the side it has to negotiate with !

It is even less allowed to call representatives of other minorities to these negotiations (Turks, Muslims, Romanis, Goranis), so that its own negotiation position would be "strengthened," when it is quite well known the problem with Kosovo did not arise due to their position, or at least not because of their openly state dissatisfaction in that respect.

It is also hard not to be under the impression that the Serbian negotiating team is composed of wrong political people, having in mind the main government negotiator Ratko Markovic, but also some others, like Ratomir Vico and those similar to them.

Markovic is one of the creators of the Serbian constitution of 1989, which annulled the Kosovo autonomy, breaking up of Yugoslavia and instigation of war in the region of former Yugoslavia. Him and Vico are also clear chauvinists. But having in mind other government representatives, the question arises, who would be better ?

The main question is, in the name of which government they are supposed to conduct the negotiations, since it is known that this "government" has no legitimacy, since, after the last elections, Serbia still has no government that would correspond to certain spread of mandates and to a respective parliamentary majority in accordance with electoral results !

Then, another mistake was made. The negotiations were called "unconditional," and then immediately said that the talks could be conducted only "within the framework of the Serbian constitution!?" If something is "unconditional," then the Constitution can neither be a condition. But that is a logical question, and here it is not a question of logic, but of politics, since it is this constitution that has brought the problems in Kosovo: first, by the method it was passed ­ against the will of the Albanian ethnic community in Kosovo,and secondly, through the rule itself, based on it, which turned Kosovo into a typical system of ethnic apartheid.

It is actually one of the main conditions to make an agreement with Kosovo Albanians not to conduct the negotiations based on such a constitution, and this not only because it brought about the current conditions in Kosovo, because it immediately leads to the well known Albanian cry of "sovereign and independent Kosovo."

Source: Novi Sad weekly "Nezavisni," March 20, 1998



A number of facts go in favor of the international mediation as an essential condition of the "unconditional" negotiations of Belgrade and Kosovo Albanians.

First of all, without the international involvement, it is not possible to bring to the negotiating table, even physically, the two sides whose positions are completely different and as such are in sharp conflict, pushing them away from any thought that they could and should meet in negotiating roles so that they would find a joint solution for the position of Kosovo. The question there is not only of political differences, but actually of real dislike between those bearing highest authority in the ranks of the ruling Serbs and "honest" Albanian leaders.

What is even worse, behind them are nationally homogenized masses, adding to everything their uncompromising positions and calls not to relent.

Further on, the international mediators have to play a role of a true referee in such negotiations, since it is hard to expect that the feuding sides would be able to respect the elementary rules of a dialogue, even in the respect that one should "keep quiet while the other one is talking."

There is also another, probably the most serious reason why the presence of the international community in such negotiations is actually essential, and that is, that these negotiations will not only be negotiations between the two sides but, in a way, negotiations of either of the two sides with the international community.

For example, the representatives of the Kosovo Albanians would have to convince the international mediators that there is "somebody else serious on this planet," besides themselves, who agrees that Kosovo should be "independent," "sovereign," while the Serbs themselves would have to explain how they are, in a manipulative manner, replacing the establishment of a democratic structure of authority in Kosovo, which should be congruent to ethnic Albanian majority with "tailoring of the political map in this region!?"

In that respect, the negotiations cannot be based only on Serbian and Albanian "arguments" and interests, but primarily on the European ones. The USA and EU would be naive if they would let only Serbs and Albanians shape this region according to their interests in conflict that God himself cannot resolve.

Without the international guarantee in implementation of the results of the negotiations, in case they do succeed, there could not only be obstruction, but also prolongation in their implementation, as well as their denunciation and new conflicts and divisions, in accordance with the good old Balkan habit that what is signed carries no obligations !

Source: Novi Sad weekly "Nezavisni," March 27, 1998

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