BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

January 24, 1998 issue of the Belgrade weekly 'Vreme' brought a report by Tanja Topic on the formation of the new government of Republika Srpska.

At first instance it seemed that the SDS and the Radicals tried to frighten each other with the gossip that the new prime minister will be Milorad Dodik, the leader of the Social Democrats. Dodik himself, much earlier than the announcement from Biljana Plavsics cabinet came, saw himself in the role of the new premier, self assuredly counting upon the necessary vote in the Parliament to receive the mandate. The day before the new session of the parliament, Mladen Ivanic gave up on the job of creating the Republika Srpska government. Many think that he simply got out on time out of skillfully placed traps, remaining at that honorable and honest Serb. Ivanic scornfully rejected that he be position by Carl Westendorp. He returned the presidential mandate, but only a few hours after doing that, he flew to Belgrade upon an urgent call by Slobodan Milosevic - so that he could reach a necessary agreement.

Only an hour before the parliamentary session, Ivanic held a press conference in Banja Luka, stating that his follower Dodik will have a much easier time than he did. But, at the same time, he gently scorned Dodik, because he was hundred percent sure that he will be voted in by the parties from the Federation - a tail he is not dragging behind him. SDS and the Radicals insisted that the SDS gets nine seats in the government, and the Radicals five, which Ivanic rejected, explaining: This is not a concept that can solve the crisis in RS. With such a concept, one power center, Pale, gets greater legitimacy in the government, because it is getting 14 ministries . Ivanic himself as the prime minister was not contended, which the SDS and the Radicals would particularly stress at the session of the Parliament, when they were presented with Milorad Dodik as the new one. The SDS and Radical delegates started screaming for the good Ivanic, expressing surprise that he returned the mandate, when they were about to reach an agreement.

At one moment, they asked the question whether the words Ivanic said at the press conference were for real, saying that they might originate from the journalistic or presidents kitchen.

There are many of those who are of the opinion that with the formation of Dodiks government, the crisis in RS has been deepened. On the outside plan, this opens the chance fro renewal and reconstruction.

The new government guarantees co - operation with the international community, but on the internal scene, there are many problems concerning the dual authority which is practically present, thinks Miodrag Zivanovic, the leader of the Liberals.The departure of the SDS and the Radicals from the Parliament and the formation of a government in which they do not have a single ministerial seat is a sure sign that the situation in the RS did not go for the better after this session. Although Biljana Plavsic optimistically believes in her new man, does not herself believe that the SDS and the Radicals will easily accept something vote in in their absence. The question concerns the undemocratic state of mind of the SDS, for which sharing power means losing power, thinks Plavsic, and nonchalantly stresses that those that do not like it in the Parliament, do not have to come to the sessions anymore.

The speedy government , according to Plavsic, came out of fear that Westendorp could impose a government on the Serbs that would include Muslims, which would in no way go in their favor. The president did not mind the fact that the government was formed with the aid of Muslims: We knew, if we dont form the government, Westendorp will. What we form is in any case better that what he could offer. That is why I did not care with whose votes the RS will be saved, it did not matter who will vote for the government.

Dodik was not placed by Westendorp, even though he helped the Parliament select him with the threat that the government must be formed at that session. He neither put Muslims in his cabinet. The federals did vote for Dodik, but at least he publicly did not give them anything. From there stems the question what will happen to the government if the Muslims disobey Dodik. Without them, and in a situation when his request has to pass through the Parliament, he can only count on Westendorp. The decisive vote, this time found itself in the hands of the federal delegate Franjo Majdancic, who appeared at the session only in the wee morning hours, after the SDS and Radicals left.

Biljana Plavsic could not have done an easier job to step on the toes of SDS and Radicals than by naming Dodik as the prime minister, somebody they consider a godless sinner, a traitor.

Dodik himself is not paying much attention to all the insults, some of them moving into tasteless territory, even with the possibility of the SDS and Radicals forming a parallel government. He says: This possibility could not be excluded, but it is of no use to them. Not only do I expect, but I know that we will establish a unified RS police force in the shortest possible time. Dodik briefly presented his program, stressing the ways of taking the country out of the economic blind alley. Also, he thinks it is essential that Banja Luka becomes the RS capital, and the RS army gets included in the NATO Partnership For Peace program. Dodiks defense minister, pensioned general Manojlo Milovanovic, recently rejected this program as unacceptable for RS.

According to Dodik, ties with Yugoslavia should be developed within the Dayton framework, the reason being the security of the Serb people, but at the same time, he also announced opening up towards the neighbors.

Even though Dodik believes in the democratic turnover of power, many think that radical Serbs will not allow so easily that the fate of the country fall into the hands of a puppet government. This is more than clear to those who followed the Parliament. The new prime minister already got a strong opponent in the form of the Orthodox church, because he did not place it as the fourth cornerstone on which RS stands. Dodik said that he respects the church, but that its meddling into politics should not be allowed. Dodik also showed the intention to bring in changes in the educational system, which he showed at the presentation of his program - to guard the cultural heritage of the Serbian people, he intends to bring back the Latinic script and the ijekavica pronunciation.

The relations between Biljana Plavsic and Milorad Dodik have been smoothed out. From unbearable, it seems, they have turned into practically friendly ones. There are also some other names in the new government that had problems with the old team, like Milorad Stankovic, the owner of the Doboj paper Alternativa, who was even previously arrested and mistreated.

On the other side, Pale have cut off the signal to Serbian radio -TV from Banja Luka. So the information space has been divided, it seems this time for good. Many think that the leadership in Pale will create their own enclave as its stronghold. Krajisnik warned that this situation leads the situation in RS into a chaos, which reminds him of one before the war. Aleksa Buha thinks that with this act, the division of RS has been made official, the radicals are still raising the question of the appointment of the prime minister, while those within Biljana Plavsics SNS party warn that those that do not respect the new government will be criminally prosecuted.

Source: Belgrade weekly 'Vreme', January 24, 1998