Dragos Ivanovic of the Belgrade by-weekly 'Republika', writes on the non-institutional decision - making in Serbia in the January 1-31, 1998, issue of this magazine.

The way it begun at the beginning of the Nineties, turned later on into a monstrous system of non - institutional rule of this country. For example, today not a single federal institution works according to the Constitution and the laws. Except when it has to muddle through the budget, the Federal Parliament has not really fully convened for years. Even the official creator of the Constitution, prof. Ratko Markovic, recently admitted that it could be dismissed. The federal government, which according to the Constitution has chancellor - like prerogatives, has not dared yet to use them. With the federal institutions in such state of atrophy, the FRY president, whose power is very limited under the Constitution, achieves two great advantages. When there is no Parliament, he is practically unchangeable; when the government is acting shyly and in a restrained manner, everything is expected from the state president.

Recently, jumping on this non-institutional rule bandwagon are the federal legal institutions. The federal prosecutors office raised a request with the Federal court for the protection of legality, if in some way, since it could not be done legally, the results of the elections in Montenegro could be changed. While such an unconstitutional manner is used to deal with the choice of the people in another republic (Montenegro), in the other (Serbia) laws are ignored so that his choice for the president could be pushed through. The institution of presidential elections is passing through strange metamorphosis here. For the first time, it happened that, due to a boycott, these elections fail. When the same danger threatened the repeated presidential elections in December, the underground machinery started operating. Through a combination of ballot paper theft and personal engagement of Milosevic in the campaign, the election of Milan Milutinovic was forced. Faced with the dilemma of compromising the institute of elections or guard the self-rule prestige of Slobodan Milosevic, it is obvious what will have the advantage.

The level and the style of work of the republican institutions does not present any more consoling picture. In Serbia, the new parliament elected on September 21, barely met two and a half months later, and solely for the purpose to elect the new president. If you add to this that the former republican Parliament was dismissed as far back as July, it comes out that the highest legal institution is not doing anything for the last half year, nor has it done anything in that period. To form a new government, what in other countries represents a routine parliamentary job, this parliament took months to do it. What is worst, neither did this regime get bothered about the fact the highest republican institutions are in paralysis, nor did the public show any particular signs of distress. The syndrome of non-institutional rule has spread so strongly through the country, that even the city authorities of Belgrade could not resist it.

Despite the fact that the public transport and communal services are in a terrible state, the City assembly met, after July, in December, and even then the session was interrupted due to the lack of quorum. Obviously, the opposition is also placing itself comfortably into this back draft of non-institutional rule, which only proves that the roots of self-will and under the table deals are much deeper that it is thought. Anyway, the SPO party exhausted itself in the last few months how to get rid of yesterdays allies jointly with yesterdays opponents (SPS).

It would not be fair to say that this non-institutional power practice did not throw into temptation the international institutions too, which are constantly giving us lessons in democracy. At one point, a year and a half ago, the West banked a lot on Slobodan Milosevic as a strong man who could do a lot in Bosnia, so it was ready to forgive him for certain things. This naive expectation just cost them more. S.M. only further complicated matters, not only in Bosnia, but also in Kosovo. In only a few months our country experiences some more proof of international isolation (we were thrown out of the conference in Kyoto, we left the Bonn conference ourselves, the USA are not lifting the sanctions, the EU is rescinding trade preferences). Despite the fact that unprincipled compromises do not pay off, in recent days the West blinked again, maybe due to the fact that Seselj did not win, neglecting the misuses of the ballot box.

Answer to the question how we are governed these days could be formulated in the easiest and most precise way as follows - Serbia is a shock state ! At one point, the regime is an angry warrior, at anither, a calm peacemaker. At one moment, regular elections are contested (Montenegro or local elections in Serbia), at the other, the irregular ones (presidential elections in Serbia) are elevated as an example of virtue. The regime is making public proclamations of stabilization, while under the table it is printing money and stimulating inflation. Here, nobody knows anymore what the state has in store for him tomorrow and how long this method of living dangerously could last. Responsible economists say that in three years, hen we finally scrap the bottom of the barrel, total collapse awaits us.

Serious analysts say that there are three possible ways out of the crisis. First, the political one is that some quality political alternative finally wins and establishes democracy, parliamentarism and a state of law. Judging by all, we are far away from this alternative. Second, the economic one is that stronger demands for stabilization emanate from the business itself, because within these irregular conditions not a single domestic or foreign partner does not want to engage in a more serious economic or financial investment. But, there is a third way too, the one that is most dangerous, that due to long term unconstitutionality and repression there is an outbreak of armed conflicts, particularly in Kosovo, and that then, when we have no choice and under foreign pressure, we accept some world standards of conduct.

Source: Belgrade by-weekly 'Republika', January 1-31, 1998