FRY - MONTENEGRO
The events in Montenegro were discussed and analyzed in detail by Seki Radoncic of the Podgorica weekly 'Monitor' in the January 16, 1998 and January 23, 1998, issues of this magazine.
Already, the first day of the meeting he organized, Bulatovic went through disappointment: his firm promise given to the media that he will gather around hundred thousand people showed itself to be unrealistic. The number of those present, estimated by unbiast observers was ten times smaller. The Montenegrin police operates with the number of six thousand, while the reporters of Milosevics media operate with a science - fiction number of between 50 to 70 thousand present.
His key problem - the return of the presidential armchair - Bulatovic is attempting to wrap in the cellophane of the alleged separatism of the Montenegrin authorities. So, in his first demand, he asked that The Montenegrin parliament annuls the resolution about the non - acceptance of the decisions of the federal institutions. Along with that, he demanded the return the lost mandates of the delegates of the National party in the republican parliament and to stop the announced activities towards the changes in the Montenegrin constitution.
With his second demand he wanted the Montenegrin parliament to pass a decision on shortening of its mandate and that premature elections are held by Apriil 15, of this year at the latest.
Only with his fourth demand Momir Bulatovic showed his true face, and uncovered the essence of the problem: We demand the annulment of the presidential elections and their repeat, at the same time as the parliamentary elections.
The demands are maximalist, even though Bulatovics negotiating position is weakened from the start, because he cannot garner the critical mass of people he announced - hundred thousand people. The Montenegrin police has further weakened his position: it disarmed his supporters, so he cannot wave with their destructive power.
The attempt of Momir Bulatovic to push Milo Djuknovic onto the positions of people who are fighting for the independence of Montenegro was also prevented. This match of political chess , it seems, has been played flawlessly by Milo Djukanovic. Investing into the building of Serb churches and making a tour of sacral monuments of the Serb Orthodox church, without small concessions, Djukanovic won for himself the support of the Serbian Orthodox church and Montenegrin bishop Amfilohije.
He also dampened the ultra - nationalists like Vojislav Seselj, Arkan and similar. Along with lobbying of the Serb democratic opposition leaders, Vesna Pesic and Zoran Djindjic to his favor, Djukanovic created a specific shield of which unfounded accusations of separatism by Bulatovic are rebounding easily.
So, Djukanovic is not alone. Supporting him are the Montenegrin democratic opposition, Serbian Orthodox church, Serbian democratic opposition, the USA... On the other hand, Bulatovic is supported by Slobodan Milosevic and his mighty military - police - media machine. Putting themselves in the service of bringing down Milo Djukanovic are media magicians of Serbia, the editors of Politika Ekspres and Vecernje Novosti, Mile Kordic and Rade Brajovic, along with their journalists. In HQ for this operation are also Jovn Strikovic, as well as Montenegrin officials temporarily employed in Belgrade: Pavle Bulatovic, Nikola Pejakovic, Zoran Knezevic...
Since he brought the political relations in Montenegro to a breaking point, Momir Bulatovic offered negotiations. He called the federal authorities as aid. Djukanovic wisely accepted the dialogue, showing that he respects the federal state and that he is for a compromise.
Bulatovics attempt to return to the Montenegrin throne through the use of the street failed. This was the definitive defeat of the policy of violent winning of power in Montenegro. Returning to the scene of the crime, Bulatovic showed that for his own armchair, he is ready to push Montenegro into the chaos of civil war. Former Montenegrin president went into history. It has yet to be seen whether he will make a political comeback after the parliamentary elections. But it will remain written down that he committed a crime against Montenegro during his nine presidential years, because, along with those like minded in his party he made the most beautiful political prison in the world out of the small Republic, and then lead her across the path of political, religious and national confrontations.
Source: Podgorica weekly 'Monitor', January 16, 1998
During the night between January 14 and 15, the coup attempt of Momir Bulatovic and his rebels did not succeed. The overtaking of the building of the Montenegrin government, where Milo Djukanovic, Svetozar Marovic, Filip Fujnovic and numerous ministers were located at the time was prevented by the Montenegrin police. If Bulatovics rebels, as was planned were to take the government building, the current Montenegrin leadership would probably have been lynched, or in the best case arrested. Montenegro would have, in that manner, remained without the non-national state leadership, extraordinary measures would have been introduced, and the president of the Republic would not have been changed. And everything would have been covered by the constitution.
There is a constitutional provision which makes it possible for the presidential mandate to be extended indefinitely, if chaos ensues and if this is taken as the grounds for the introduction of state of emergency.
In their plan to overtake the power, even at the expense of instigating civil war, Momir Bulatovic and his strategists from Belgrade overlooked only one thing: they did not count upon the compactness of the Montenegrin police. It was estimated: the majority of the policemen will throw down the arms and join the people. The authorities will remain alone.
The estimate on the moral - political situation among the Montenegrin police was made, with the help of the moles in the Ministry by Nikola Pejakovic, special adviser of Momir Bulatovic for security, current FRY ambassador to Bielorussia, former Montenegrin police minister.
Counting upon such a possibility, the operative leadership of the Montenegrin police, headed by the SDB (security) chief Vukasin Maras, made a right move: a selection was made, so the first front line was made up of experienced professionals, among whom, of course, were also those who sympathize Djukanovic. Before that, the people leaning towards Bulatovic were removed from the police force.
When it became obvious that Djukanovics side will not accept the ultimative demands of the defeated side, the battle with time was begun. A few hours before the expiration of the mandate of the running presidency of Momir Bulatovic, the realization of the scenario of Nikola Pejakovic was begun, who, interestingly, practically did not leave his command post within the building of the Montenegrin parliament.
Then came inflammatory speeches of Momir Bulatovics closest aides, who raised the Adrenalin of those present in the crowd. The culmination reached its peak with the announcement that the demands were not accepted and with the call to the demonstrators to move on the government building. Federal parliament delegate, Slobodn Vulosevic, whom his political opponents accuse that he is the man of KOS (military intelligence) and Serbian secret police, called the crowd to move on the government building with their bare hands.
Then comes Momir Bulatovic. Before he called his supporters to move on the government building, he makes a dangerous move: in his capacity as the current president, he calls the police not to protect the criminals, but the people, reminding them of their oath. In other words: in the last hours of his rule, Bulatovic calls the police to arrest Djukanovic or to throw down their arms. According to the scenario of Nikola Pejakovic and Milosevics experts, the Montenegrin police should have fallen apart at that time.
The mob went on towards the government building. Further fate of Montenegro was being resolved. According to the scenario of Nikola Pejakovic, they say in the police, a tactic of special acting onto the government buildings and objects was prepared.
The demonstrators divide into two groups. The first one is lead by Momir Bulatovic. It was moving towards the main entrance of the government building. The second group, they say in the police, was lead by the federal police minister Zoran Knezevic. Counting on the surprise factor, it was moving towards the back entrance.
At that moment, the scenario begins to evolve, with the elements of classic coup detat. Somebody from the second group throws into the government building the shock bomb, which makes a strong detonation of 30 thousand decibels. This bombs are only in the possession of the special units. It is supposed that the shock bomb thrown into the building of the Montenegrin government comes from some military or police warehouse outside of Montenegro.
At the same time, the building is shot at with chemical CS guns - the contents being tear gas. This weaponry is not freely available on the market either. Part of the police and state leadership do not have gas masks.
Pejakovic surprise factor for the moment worked: a small confusion ensued within the police, and why not say it, fear. The mob gets the command: Go in, go in. The situation is at the breaking point.
The police goes into the counter offensive: it fires tear gas at the mass and pushes it away from the government building. At that key point the police regains the control over the situation. This was actually the beginning of the end of Bulatovics overthrow attempt.
But the battle is not finished. Part of the mass moves towards the parliament building. The police goes after them. At the Blaz Jovanovic bridge, the conspirators throw a bomb at the police. Some 50 people are caught in the detonation. The police reorganizes and in a new rush, it disperses the mass.
Part of the mob goes towards the Yugoslav Army barracks and asks for weapons. But the Army does not react. Some journalists insists that the federal defence minister unsuccessfully attempted to get the permission to take the Army to the streets.
The conspirators scenario fails: the police prevented the chaos, the Montenegrin government building was defended, the state leadership was not removed, state of emergency was not introduced, and Bultovics mandate ran out at midnight.
The following day, when the outcome was already known, the Presidents receives a congratulation message: three months late, Momcilo Perisic, the Army chief - of - staff, congratulates Milo Djukanovic on his election as the Montenegrin president.
The Montenegrin police moves into a counter offensive and arrests Bulatovics conspirators. The rebellion brain Nikola Pejakovic was also questioned. The circle around Bulatovic is tightened. Whether they will be arrested solely depends on the political estimate, it seems, of the Djukanovic team.
Source: Podgorica weekly 'Monitor', January 23, 1998