FRY: CURRENT POLITICAL EVENTS
-RELATIONS SERBIA -
MONTENEGRO AND MILOSEVICS NOMINATION
The question of the nomination of Serbian president Milosevic to become the federal president of Yugoslavia is tackled by Slavko Radovanovic in the June 13, 1997 issue of Podgorica weekly Monitor.
Its only on the /state controlled/ RTS that enthusiastic inhabitants of a hilly state from a fairy tale, relieved of all other worries, as one, harmoniously choose Slobodan Milosevic as the President of Yugoslavia and ask that it be obligatory, that through direct vote, it is confirmed what is clear to everybody. It was high time that the constitution is changed and that Yugoslavia gets a president, and it is known who is the only one that can be that.
The joy of polled individuals are only overshadowed by the telegrams of support sent in by working people and citizens from throughout Serbia, pouring into the state TV offices through the freshly sold postal service. More or less, all this has been seen before.
In the background of this newest media swindle, after the publication of Milosevics intentions, much more serious recounts are going on. In the Serbian Socialist Party they are not hiding their surprise with the forcefulness of the resistance in Podgorica to their proposal that the highest legal act of the state be tinkered with, even more so since the side closer to them in the current clash within the ranks of the ruling Montenegrin DPS party, they were promised otherwise. A source from the top of Serbian regime insists: it will be tougher, but it will pass, which could mean that the part of the DPS leadership uninclined towards constitutional changes must count on new measures of media reprisals, and maybe not only that.
But for the switch to the Federation palace, together with the authorities of the supreme commander of air, ground and wider, Milosevic needs much more than the votes of the coalition partner from the smaller republic.Along the much sung about articles 97 and 98, particularly important for the whole case is article 139 of the Yugoslav constitution.The proposal for the change of the constitution, it says, except when the eight articles from the so called federal package are concerned, can be submitted by at least 100 thousand citizens, 30 MPs in the Citizens chamber ( Lower house ), or 20 in the Republics Chamber ( Upper house ). For the acceptance of the proposal, and later for the approval it is necessary that at least two thirds of the Mp in each chamber vote for it.
In the Citizens chamber, Milosevic needs 92 votes. The Socialist Party has 40 Mp in that chamber, JUL 20, and New Democracy 4. Even if all 20 DPS Mp, by some miracle, would all vote for the change of the Constitution, eight raised hands would be missing. This is how many seats are held by Montenegrin National Party, but Kilibardas and Bojovics Mp swear that they have absolutely no intention to do that. Due to this Milosevic has two addresses remaining: Serbian Radical Party with 16 seats, or the Zajedno coalition (or a part of it) with still unconfirmed 22 Mp.
The parliamentary combinations say that Milosevic would be able to vote in the changes of the Constitution with the help of (the whole) Serbian opposition in the Citizens chamber, even without the DPS. But, if the Montenegrin partner is not won over, this would be of little use. In the Republics Chamber, where the two thirds majority is also needed (28 of 40) DPS has 14 MPs, which in the specific case is enough for the factual right to a veto in this chamber, meaning the Parliament as a whole - under the condition, of course, that there is no division on Momirs and Milos supporters. The Socialists from both federal units have 26 Mp, which means that in the case of the renewed love they would need the support of 2 oppositionaries. Sitting in the benches of the small hall of the building on the Nikola Pasic square are representatives of Radicals, SPO and Democrats.
Those who know the ongoing on the Serbian political scene are mainly in accord: Milosevic will officially move towards the place of the head of the federal state only when he has the frame for the picture of a new Tito is completely made, and the prerogatives similar to those from the Serbian constitution - which were formally not held by even Tito himself - are at his disposal. The partiality of the regulations enable him to adjust the procedure of the election of the FRY President to the circumstances.The Constitution envisions that until the new president is elected, his duties are handled temporarily by the president of the Republics chamber. A new president has to take over his post within 30 days. Since Lilic is leaving the presidential post on June 25, the new president would have to take over by July 25. If that is Milosevic, he would have to resign the post of Serbian President, which understands new elections for the Republican head in two months at most.
Source: Podgorica weekly Monitor, June 13, 1997
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